Chiselling at the Walls of China's Black Jails [POSC315 Human Rights Paper Submission]

Chiselling at the Walls of China’s Black Jails

Background & Introduction

The Chinese government has a track record of suppressing political dissidence through various means.  The most recent iteration of governmental crackdown emerged in 2003, that of Black Jails, heijanyu, are a form of illegal prison operated by illegal public security companies, heibaoangongsi While there are multiple means of enforced disappearances that are employed to suppress political dissidence,  Black Jails are a specific measure used to deal with petitioners, attempting to deter and punish petitioning, and to prevent their redress seeking process with authorities in Beijing[1].  From 2003-2014, there have been significant drivers for change like the respective publications made by Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) titled ‘“Black Jails” in the Host City of the “Open Olympics”’, and by Human Rights Watch (HRW) titled ‘An Alleyway in Hell’.  These brought the matter under international recognition and purview, allowing for pressures to be imposed on the Chinese government.  However, the Chinese Criminal Procedure Law reform in 2012, and the release of the National Human Rights Action Plan (NHRAP), despite claiming to secure progress in certain areas of Human Rights, depict the reality of attempted solutions and reiterate the obstacles in place.

This paper then aims to assess the degree of progress there has been in combatting the phenomenon of Black Jails in China in the last decade (2003-2014).

With the phenomenon of Black Jails brought to light, it has been the subject of international outcry, leading to pressure for the abolishment of such. International pressure has been able to exert enough force to warrant actions from the Chinese government to deal with the accusations; resulting in declared commitment to meeting international human rights requirements through actions such as the publication of the Chinese White Paper on its very own Human Rights Action Plan, a reform of the Criminal Procedure Law, and also attempts at cooperation with the UN Human Rights Council investigations.  These actions are however shown to be more applicable to select areas of human rights, namely those that are that involve the ‘protection of the people’s rights to subsistence and development’[2] Despite the activism, both by the Chinese as well as international actors, it follows from NGO, UN, and news reports, that there has been a regression in the process of eradicating Black Jails. 

Literature Review & Methodology

NGOs themselves have found it difficult to detail the exact numerical figures on individuals being detained in Black Jails, partly due to the clandestine nature of these establishments and the widespread use of them.  They have however been more successful in making contact with ex-detainees as well as track the trends with respect to the use of Black Jails.    The Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) in particular, have documented the use of Black Jails relatively well, in cases even providing photographs of premises and detainee accounts.  These have made it pertinent for research conducted on the phenomenon not to be restricted purely to numerical, quantitative progress, but also to involve qualitative interpretation together with evaluations of the current reforms in order to assess the level of progress that has been made in eradicating Black Jails.  Qualitative evaluation of Chinese legal reform will also be based on NGO translations of Chinese Laws, since its original content is published in mandarin[3].  Besides the assessment of overall trends throughout the decade on the general situation on Black Jails, this paper also looks at actions supposedly taken in the direction of reform and seek to assess their impact.  In the study of the efforts to eradicate Black Jails, difficulties hampering the task have come to light; this paper will as such detail these obstacles to progress as part of the attempt to understand the limiting constraints that Human Rights Defenders, as well as the UN, face in their mission. 

Black Jails as a Violation of Human Rights

The use of Black Jails, as an extra-legal measure, violates not only Chinese law but also international human rights laws.  It has been shown to violate various articles of the UDHR, such as articles (3), (5), (9) and (10).  Besides that, the use of Black Jails contravenes Article (1) of its ratification of the Convention against Torture (CAT)[4] since the use of Black Jails entails the subjection of its detainees to physical, mental, and even sexual abuse, together with deprivations of food, rest, and medical aid[5].  The failure to protect its citizens from the enforced disappearances they are subjected to further implicates the Chinese government in articles (2) of both the CAT and International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance[6][7].  This then brings to light an inherent problem in the perpetuation of this practice, that is, the use of Black Jails are employed by officials without any central party authorisation.  Therefore, despite the protection against such practices present in Article (3) of Chinese Criminal Procedure Law[8], Black Jail operators continue to benefit from committing illegal abductions.  Articles (64) and (65) further detail the illegality of such detentions without warrant, together with the holding of detainees incommunicado for long periods of time[9].  The problem persists even with governmental action and remains one that will not be eradicated simply. 

An Overview of Progress in the Eradication of Black Jails (2003 – 2014)

Fig. 1 below shows the overall trend of regress in efforts to combat enforced disappearances through Black Jails.  Black Jails, in their current recognisable form, have appeared since the year 2003[10] and have been persistent till present day.  The figure charts news articles, quantitative data from NGO reports, as well as qualitative evaluations made from interpretations of said reports to generate the trend presented.  Due to differences in exact reporting of numerical figures, as well as the lack of consistent year on year efforts to estimate the battle against Black Jail usage, data from five different sources will be weighed, namely reports[11] from NGOs like CHRD, Amnesty International and HRW; Chinese Government Data, and documents published by the UN Human Rights Council.  The data will then be organised into two main trends:

  1. Trend displaying the use of Black Jails.
  2. Government measures.

 

Fig. 1 Overall Trend in Efforts to Combat Black Jails
2007 taken as the base year for ‘Use of Black Jails’
2008 taken as base year for ‘Reform Measures’
Refer to Annex A for a detailed breakdown of the trends.

It is observed that efforts to curtail the use of Black Jails have not been effective, with its use becoming more widespread and reform measures unable to achieve much.  Evidently, progress before the 2007 is indeterminate; since the first instance of proper documentation and reports released date earliest then.  Consequently, before the 2008, there had been a lack of international pressure and momentum for reform with respect to the use of Black Jails.

 

Black Jails and their Appeal

In the absence of external impetus for change, it is unlikely that there will be marked progress in the use of Black Jails.  It carries strong appeal to those employing it, as well as those employed through its use.  This creates a double incentive for its perpetuation and those who profit from it are usually already in positions of power and can thereby exploit their clout and further marginalise the petitioners.  Local officials in provincial or municipal governments are constantly pressured to ensure the stability of society; they would otherwise risk jeopardising their positions in office[12].  This pressure is exacerbated since such officials are penalised and deemed incompetent when they fail to address local grievances and when this failure results in travel to the capital, Beijing, to seek redress[13].  Moreover, the business of operating Black Jails and related abductions is a lucrative one and it even has shown an inflation in rates, from the minimum range of 150-200 yuan in 2009[14] to 200-300 yuan in 2013[15].  There is thus little drive for reform, and the claimants of their rights are effectively dismissed, or eliminated in extreme cases.  There is little fear in causing the death of detainees in the execution of the enforced disappearances due to the consent of officials; kidnappers are assured that there will not be consequences exacted on them[16].  A culture of impunity is inbred and exploited in the perpetuation of such practices and this reinforces the need for external pressure, be it governmental or international, in order for reform to even begin.

Human Rights Reports as Key Galvanisers for Change

Reports such as CHRD’s ‘”Black Jails” in the Host City of the “Open Olympics”’[17] in 2007 serve to break the cover that state officials, in their abuse of power, initially enjoyed by introducing international scrutiny, outcry, and pressures[18].  It is seen as a critical event in the mission against Black Jails since it then further spurred related investigations, either by UN bodies, more prolific NGOs or news agencies.  Information is seen as a crucial in the fight against human rights violations in that it allows for a case to be created for the subsequent efforts made to address such abuses[19].  Since the report’s publication in 2007, the phenomenon of Black Jails has been able to enter the mainstream of human rights violations in China.  NGOs investigating illegal abductions or enforced disappearances have been notified of its new iteration in China and thus include Black Jails in their reports on violations of human rights.  The status of an NGO plays an important role in information propagation.  Despite the earlier publication of CHRD’s report, it is only with ‘An Alleyway in Hell’[20] by HRW in 2009, the issue was brought to the fore internationally, subsequently allowing for the violations to be surfaced in mainstream media like the Telegraph[21], the Wall Street Journal[22], and TIME Magazine[23].  While CHRD is also credited by other groups as a definitive source of information on Black Jails (New York Times[24], Al-Jazeera[25] and Amnesty International[26] cite information from CHRD in their articles), the timestamp on those articles are dated to be post-publication of ‘An Alleyway in Hell’, highlighting the benefits of an NGO’s international status in its advocacy role. 

International recognition of the issue were then manifested in international actions and positions taken during the Universal Periodic Review in 2009.  Countries like France, Germany, Australia and New Zealand condemned the illegal detentions perpetrated by Chinese government officials and Czech Republic even explicitly mentioned ‘Black Jails’[27].  It is with international pressures and their privy to the reality of the situation, coupled with the precedents set by the before-mentioned publications, that Liaowang, ‘a magazine for elite government officials and published by the official Xinhua news agency’[28], got bold enough to produce a report condemning such acts despite being a state-sanctioned publication.  In 2010, there was a crackdown on a Black Jail operator, Anyuanding, the first instance of action taken against and also a positive step toward the resolution of the problem[29].  Despite the seemingly promising improvement in the situation of Black Jails, it was later proven that this action may be more symbolic than substantial; the penalties imposed were too limited.  In spite of that, the actions were definitely an example of the possibility of resolution, subject to continued political will to do so.

Human rights reports are shown to be essential in efforts to eradicate the phenomenon of Black Jails; they provide the necessary information in order to gain international recognition of the matter.  The bringing of said information to the fore also has an encouraging effect for advocacy efforts in the field, visible through the marked increase in coverage of Black Jails post-2009; there is an emboldening impact of greater awareness on this topic in line with the Liaowang exposé.  Substantive progress is contingent on the information being disseminated to a wide enough audience so as to ensure that those in a position to effect change are brought on-board the cause, This is especially crucial the application of international condemnation and pressure for reform.

Governmental Action and its Impact

Without the political will and concrete action by the Chinese authorities, there cannot be a solution to power abusers that enjoy the use of Black Jails as a convenient solution.   It would seem that only with international pressures, has there been an obligation for the Chinese government to take sufficient action.

In 2009, the Chinese government produced its first ever National Human Rights Action Plan (NHRAP) as part of its declared commitment to the securing of human rights for its citizens.  Within the document, it explicitly states the position of the Chinese government on the illegality of torture, the due remedies it seeks to provide for victims of such, as well as the promise to punish any perpetrators of said acts[30].  The formal commitment to the cause notwithstanding, the widespread employment of Black Jails still remains.  The document is relegated to that of a ‘public relations exercise’[31] since there no concrete plans nor a deadline was set.  Even with the updated NHRAP in 2012, it was nothing more than a lip-service and it is notable that the Chinese administration has yet to sign and ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.  Moreover, both action plans are also contingent on their practicality[32], providing a broad allowance for derogation from initial commitments.  

The act of a state producing legislation to address human rights issues can be construed to be progressive.  This should have been the case in the reform of Chinese CPL in 2012.  The introduction of Articles (54) to (58) reinforce the doctrine of clean hands, thereby stating the illegality of illegally obtained evidence, confessions, and also criminalising those who seek to obtain evidence by those means[33].  This should be interpreted to disincentivise the use of intimidation and coercion to force individuals since it provides another platform for legal prosecution of Black Jail.  Yet, the use of Black Jails are already extra-legal in nature and this reverts to the issue of impunity.  In addition, the CPL, while supposedly reducing incentives to use Black Jails, has inundated its own effectiveness by possibly allowing legal abductions of individuals based on matters of state security, anti-terrorism, or on the account of inconvenience and impinging on investigation processes[34].  The absurdity of the loophole is located in the scope for arbitrary exploitation of the legislation since the keeping of detainees incommunicado can be done so contingent on a perception of its impediment of the investigation[35]

The final major factor affecting the use of Black Jails is the crackdown on other forms of arbitrary detention.  This highlights a major obstacle in the resolution of the problem at hand since illegal abductions of individuals in China is so widespread, both in terms of numerical quantity and in its many iterations.  Notably, the use of Black Jails first spiked in 2003 when the system of shourong qiansong, “custody and repatriation” was first abolished[36].  This has shown how the practice of arbitrary detentions is so deeply rooted a tool of power abuse in Chinese institutional memory that it would simply resurface in a different form.  Between 2012 and 2013, the use of Black Jails is increasing relative to that of the use of the older, but legally based, system of Re-education through Labour (RTL)[37].  This can be attributed to reform action taken to abolish the RTL system in early 2013 and its eventual official abolition in December 2013[38].  It then becomes difficult to deal with the problem of enforced disappearances in its entirety since it has proven to be very resilient to reform.

It is without a doubt that the Chinese government has taken measures to address the international pressures with regard to its human rights violations and these come in the form of legally positive legislative reform, documents indicating its commitment to human rights protection, as well as the outright abolition of certain practices.  Their impact on the progress in combating Black Jails and arbitrary detention, in spite of those actions, is little or even detrimental.  The shortcomings of current action taken ultimately point to obstacles that are embedded in the power structures of the Chinese administration and these account for the recalcitrance of the abuses prevalent till today. 

Practical Reality of the Fight against Black Jails (Limitations & Obstacles to Progress)

The reality of reform measures have produced a pessimistic outlook with regard to progress in the fight against Black Jails.  These are attributed to three main factors, namely, the continued denial of the problem by the State, the perpetrators of the problem distant in the command chain, as well as the lucrative appeal of the business. 

The Chinese administration has denied the existence of Black Jails and has taken active steps in media censorship to keep the issue under wraps.  It has definitively stated that ‘there are no Black Jails in the country’[39] and censored any media coverage of the phenomenon, even expelling journalists for their work[40].  This is in direct opposition to the advocacy work by NGOs and is a major hurdle for cooperation with UN bodies in terms of their investigation procedures[41].  This indicates an opposing political will toward reform; an especially crucial obstacle.

The incongruence between legislation, its interpretation, and the execution of action on the ground is far too large, especially in the system of provincial or municipal governance.  As mentioned above, there is a dual incentive for officials to continue their practice and this will continue to be the case unless the central government decides to prioritise its citizens’ rights over growth, development or practicality[42].  In reality, the pressures on provincial and municipal officials are be strong enough to allow for the abuses in Black Jails to grow to incorporate more abuses; in the latest report by CHRD, it details that the abuse of women account for about 80% of Black Jails detainees[43].  This then encroaches on the widespread violations of rights specific to the protection of women. 

The trend shows that efforts in a singular form of enforced disappearance rarely has any effect and it would be a simple task for Chinese officials to channel their abuses into illegal abductions in another form.  In the past two years, it has been shown that Black Jails are now the location of detainees re-directed from old RTL camps[44].  The need for political will and the desire to come down hard on these violations are thus needed to combat the clandestine nature of Black Jails or other extra-legal detention measures.

Conclusion

The past decade has, unfortunately, seen the rise of the enforced disappearances in China, both numerically as well as in the severity of their human rights abuses; even with legal reform, perpetrators have found means around it so as to maintain their personal interests at the expense of other citizens.  The case of Black Jails is particularly difficult to eradicate due to its nature of existence.  It is extra-legal, lucrative, and it is endorsed by officials not directly under strict scrutiny by the central government.  The length of the chain of command present offers avenues for concealment as well as a dilution of direct control from Beijing.  The crux of the issue would then be the lack of political will to deal with these violations harshly enough, thereby encouraging impunity and recalcitrance.  Advocacy and the pressures of international actors are rendered the only avenue for the possibility of recourse to this problem, where increased information to the prevalence and the severity of Black Jail use can further be used to pressure the Chinese government.  Perhaps it should be strongly stated that the failure to meet international human rights obligations will serve to hinder its international cooperation on other fields such as trade and investment since the Chinese administration have these highest on their national agenda.  Sufficient leverage is hence needed to achieve progress in such a “sticky” area of human rights violations. 

(Word Count: 3995)

Overall Trend in Efforts to Combat Black Jails:  An Explanation [ANNEX A]

This annex aims to detail and explain the graphical data reflecting the trend in efforts to eradicate Black Jails in China.  The data is separated into two distinct trends, the first being the prevalence of Black Jail use, this is measured in numerical, quantitative data.  The next trend involves the impact of government measures, measured mostly qualitatively in terms of its effect on the use of Black Jails, it does however include numerical values in its evaluation.

Use of Black Jails

This line tracks, subject to the availability of data from reports, annual values in the use of Black Jails.  They include the following data sets:

  1. The number of individuals illegally detained in Black Jails.
  2. The number of Black Jails in existence.
  3. The number of petitioners that the Chinese Government receives annually.

The number of individuals in Black Jails taken to numerically determine progress.  It is based mostly on case study interviews and field work by NGO investigators; it is believed that the actual numbers of Black Jail incarcerations are higher due to the hidden nature of such establishments[45]. The reported data is then used to ascertain increases or decreases in the use of Black Jails.

The existence of Black Jails, where data is available, detail the proliferation of such establishments.  It follows then that an increase in the number of locations translates to an increase in the number of operators.  It also reflects the demand and supply relationship of the need for Black Jails and the provision of it.

The use of Black Jails are targeted at petitioners, intending to dissuade and intimidate others from even attempting to petition.  Any shifts in the total number of petitions recorded by the Central Bureau then not only reflects the raw number of petitioners avoiding abduction, but it also can be understood to reflect the level of confidence of potential petitioners since the objective of Black Jails are also to intimidate them

The following portion will then document the data gathered, the data will also be categorised into positive or negative with respect to progress:

2003: Large spike in the use of Black Jails due to the abolition of shourong qiansong, “Custody and Repatriation”[46].  (Negative).

2007:  360604 recorded petitioning cases; there were no records prior to this date.  (Indeterminate)

2008: Beijing Olympics results in an increase in the use of Black Jails as operations to ‘clean up’ the streets[47].  (Negative).

333231 recorded petitioning cases. (Negative).

2009:  346504 recorded petitioning cases.  (Positive). 

Number of Black Jails in operation between 7 and 50[48].  (Indeterminate)

2010:  CHRD report states that there are more than 2621 individuals detained in Black Jails[49].  (Indeterminate).

Number of Black Jails in operation at 625[50].  (Negative).

2011:  CHRD report states that there are more than 2795 individuals detained in Black Jails.  (Negative).

2012:  323487 recorded petitioning cases.  (Negative).

2013:  Black Jail use increases dramatically; 1 in 7 cases of arbitrary detention in China are done using Black Jails[51].  (Negative).

2014:  6 times the number of individuals detained recorded compared the first half of 2013.  (Negative).

Government Measures

These come in the form of changes in legislature, the expression of political will, as well as action taken to rectify the issue.  Progress in this field is determined by first ascertaining the impact of the actions taken and evaluating whether they either contribute to progress or in fact worsen the situation.

When analysing the measures, the desired impact of the new legislation is first accounted for.  This will then be followed by a look into the second order effects that ensued.

Expressions of political will or the lack thereof are especially important in the bid to combat Black Jails and thus they will hold significant weight when determining the trend direction. 

The following portion documents the various measures in place, they will also be categorised into positive or negative with respect to progress:

2007:  Publication by CHRD as the first instance of documentation of Black Jails by an NGO[52].  (Positive).

2009:  ‘An Alleyway in Hell’ allowing for international awareness of the problem and spurring further investigation/actions[53]. (Positive).

Other News Agencies and NGOs publish their own findings on Black Jails.  (Positive).

The denial of Black Jails’ existence by Chinese Authorities in the UPR[54]. (Negative).

Liaowang report on Black Jails; significant since this editorial is state-sanctioned[55].  (Positive).

2010:  Closure of 528 Liaison Offices as Black Jail locations[56].  (Positive).

Arrests of key personnel in Anyuanding, a Black Jail operator[57].  (Positive).

2012:  China’s CPL reform[58].  (Mixed).

2012 (cont’d):  Reduction in personnel in RTL camps (170000 to 60000); reallocation to Black Jails[59].  (Negative).

2013:  Discussion on possible abolition of RTL further increases use of Black Jails[60].  (Negative, action actually exacerbates Black Jail use).

2014:  Abolition of RTL in December 2013.  (Positive in general human rights cause; negative for Black Jail eradication.)

 

 

 

 

 



[1] Amnesty International Publications. 2013. "Changing the Soup But Not the Medicine": Abolishing Re-education through Labour in China. Human Rights Report, London: Amnesty International Publications.

[2] Information Office of the State Council (China). 2009. "Full Text: National Human Rights Action Plan of China (2009-2010)." Chinese Government's Official Web Portal. April 13. Accessed October 12, 2014. http://www.china.org.cn/archive/2009-04/13/content_17595407.htm.

[3] Changshuan, Li. 2012. "Working Translation on the Amendments to the Criminal Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China on behalf of the Danish Institute for Human Rights ." Decision of the National People's Congress on the Amendment of the Criminal Procedure Law of the People's Republic of China. Copenhagen: Danish Institute for Human Rights, March 20.

[4] United Nations. 2014. "Signatories to the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment." UN Treaty Collection . October 24. Accessed October 24, 2014.

[5] Chinese Human Rights Defenders. 2014. “We Can Beat You to Death With Impunity”: Secret Detention & Abuse of Women in China’s “Black Jails”. Human Rights Report, Hong Kong: Chinese Human Rights Defenders.

[6] Ibid.

[7] International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance”.

[8] Article (3) of Chinese CPL states that public security organs are the only government organs authorized to detain individuals on suspicion of violating the law.

[9] Chinese Human Rights Defenders. 2007. “Black Jails” in the Host City of the “Open Olympics”. Human Rights Report, Hong Kong: Chinese Human Rights Defenders.

[10] Human Rights Watch. 2009. "An Alleyway in Hell" China's Abusive Black Jails. New York: Human Rights Watch.

[11] NGO Reports include special topical reports, and annual publications on human rights situations in China.

[12] Winckler 2013

[13] Human Rights Watch. 2009. Secret “Black Jails” Hide Severe Rights Abuses. November 12. Accessed October 12, 2014. http://www.hrw.org/news/2009/11/02/china-secret-black-jails-hide-se....

[14] Ibid.

[15] Winckler 2013

[16] Chinese Human Rights Defenders. 2008. Silencing Complaints: Human Rights Abuses Against Petitioners in China. Human Rights Report, Hong Kong: Chinese Human Rights Defenders.

[17] Chinese Human Rights Defenders. 2007. “Black Jails” in the Host City of the “Open Olympics”. Human Rights Report, Hong Kong: Chinese Human Rights Defenders.

[18] Giffard, Camille. 2000. The Torture Reporting Handbook. Essex: Human Rights Centre, University of Essex.

[19] Camille 2000

[20] Human Rights Watch 2009.

[21] Foster, Peter. 2009. "China's 'black jails' still operating, report says." The Telegraph.

[22] Canaves, Sky. 2009. "Inside China's "Black Jails"." The Wall Street Journal, November 13.

[23] Ramzy, Austin. 2009. "New Report Released on China's 'Black Jails'." TIME. November 12. Accessed October 23, 2014. http://content.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1938515,00.html.

[24] Jacobs, Andrew. 2009. "Seeking Justice, Chinese Land in Secret Jails." The New York Times.

[25] Al-Jazeera. 2009. "China's 'Black Jails' Uncovered." Al Jazeera, April 27.

[26] Amnesty International Publication 2013

[27] Working Group of the Universal Periodic Review. 2009. Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review China. Universal Periodic Review, Geneva: UN Human Rights Council.

[28] Moore, Malcolm. 2009. "China Admits It Runs Illegal Black Jails." The Telegraph, November 26.

[29] Chinese Human Rights Defenders 2014.

[30] Information Office of the State Council (China) 2009.

[31] Human Rights Watch. 2011. "China: Human Rights Action Plan Fails to Deliver." Human Rights Watch News Center. January 11. Accessed October 21, 2014. http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/01/11/china-human-rights-action-plan-f....

[32] Information Office of the State Council (China). 2012. "National Human Rights Action Plan of China (2012-2015)." Chinese Government's Official Web Portal. June 11. Accessed October 23, 2014. http://www.china.org.cn/government/whitepaper/node_7156850.htm.

[33] Changshuan 2012

[34] Amnesty International Publications. 2013. Briefing on China's 2013 Criminal Procedure Law. Human Rights Report, London: Amnesty International Publications

[35] Rosenzweig, Joshua. 2013. "Disappearing Justice: Public Opinion, Secret Arrest and Criminal Procedure Reform in China." The China Journal 84-85.

[36] Amnesty International Publications 2013.

[37] In a list updated 30 June 2013, there had been 171 cases of Black Jail usage, compared to 31 cases of Re-education through Labour (Amnesty International Publications 2013).

[38] Zhu, Ningzhu. 2013. "China Abolishes Re-education through Labour." Xinhua, December 28.

[39] Working Group of the Universal Periodic Review. 2009. Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review China. Universal Periodic Review, Geneva: UN Human Rights Council.

[40] Watts, Jonathan. 2012. "Al-Jazeera closes Beijing bureau after Reporter Expelled." Al-Jazeera, May 8.

[41] Human Rights Watch. 2011. "China: Human Rights Action Plan Fails to Deliver." Human Rights Watch News Center. January 11. Accessed October 21, 2014. http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/01/11/china-human-rights-action-plan-f....

[42] Holden, Kevin. 2014. "Activists Urge China to Abolish 'Black Jails'." Al-Jazeera, July 12.

[43] Chinese Human Rights Defenders 2014.

[44] Ibid.

[45] Chinese Human Rights Defenders. 2011. Annual Report on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders in China 2010. Human Rights Report, Hong Kong: Chinese Human Rights Defenders.

[46] Human Rights Watch 2009.

[47] Chinese Human Rights Defenders 2007.

[48] Human Rights Watch 2009.

[49] Chinese Human Rights Defenders 2011.

[50] Human Rights Watch. 2011. "Human Rights Watch News Center." China: Enforced Disappearances a Growing Threat. November 9. Accessed October 23, 2014. http://www.hrw.org/news/201 1 /1 1 /09/china-enforced-disappearances-growing-threat.

[51] Chinese Human Rights Defenders 2014.

[52] “Black Jails” in the Host City of the “Open Olympics” by Chinese Human Rights Defenders 2007.

[53] Human Rights Watch 2009.

[54] Working Group of the Universal Periodic Review 2009.

[55] Moore 2009

[56] Human Rights Watch 2011.

[57] Ibid.

[58] Amnesty International Publications 2013

[59] Chinese Human Rights Defenders. 2013. In the Name of Stability. Human Rights Report, Hong Kong: Chinese Human Rights Defenders.

[60] Amnesty International Publications 2013.

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